No Nonsense Spirituality

I just want to take a moment to endorse Britt Hartley, a YouTuber and spiritual director who does incredible work helping people navigate existential nihilism and crises of faith. When I was younger and struggling with questions about meaning and purpose, I often felt like I was facing it all alone, unsure of who to turn to or where to find clarity. I really wish I’d had someone like Britt to talk to back then. She has this amazing way of addressing these heavy, complex topics with compassion and understanding. It’s not just about offering philosophical insights; it’s about really meeting people where they are and guiding them through tough times with care. As a spiritual director, Britt helps people work through faith crises and existential doubt, offering both practical advice and a sense of hope. She creates a space where it’s okay to question and wrestle with big ideas, and she does so in a way that’s supportive and empowering. If you’re struggling with nihilism or having doubts about faith, I highly recommend checking out Britt’s channel. I truly believe her perspective is something I could’ve really used when I was younger.

YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@nononsensespirituality

Book: https://www.amazon.com/dp/1958670367

Website: https://nononsensespirituality.com

The Essence of Christianity

Ludwig Andreas Feuerbach (1804–1872) is a pivotal figure in 19th-century philosophy, whose work bridges the transition from German Idealism to materialist and humanist thought. His critique of religion, encapsulated in his most famous work, The Essence of Christianity (1841), significantly influenced subsequent thinkers, including Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, and Sigmund Freud. Feuerbach’s philosophy is rooted in a profound critique of metaphysics and theology, reinterpreting them through a lens that places human beings at the center of philosophical inquiry. His ideas remain an essential milestone in the history of philosophy, with relevance to contemporary debates on religion, human nature, and social thought.

Feuerbach was born in Landshut, Bavaria, into an intellectually prominent family. His father, Paul Johann Anselm Ritter von Feuerbach, was a renowned legal scholar, and Ludwig initially followed in his father’s footsteps, studying theology at the University of Heidelberg. However, he soon grew disillusioned with theology’s dogmatic rigidity and shifted his focus to philosophy, moving to Berlin to study under Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Hegel’s dialectical method profoundly influenced Feuerbach, but he eventually departed from Hegel’s abstract idealism, which he found overly speculative and disconnected from human experience. Instead, Feuerbach sought to ground philosophy in concrete, empirical reality, focusing on human nature and the material conditions of existence.

Feuerbach’s seminal work, The Essence of Christianity, marks a turning point in the critique of religion. In this book, he posits that theology is, at its core, anthropology. Religion, according to Feuerbach, is a projection of human nature and desires onto an imagined divine being. God, he argues, is nothing more than the idealized abstraction of humanity’s own qualities—power, wisdom, and love.

Feuerbach asserts that religious beliefs originate in human beings’ psychological need to externalize their highest aspirations and values. Humans, confronted with their limitations, create an image of God as a perfect being, embodying attributes they lack. For example, the omniscience and omnipotence ascribed to God reflect humanity’s longing for knowledge and power. By projecting their essence onto God, humans alienate themselves from their own potential. The divine becomes a separate entity that dominates and demands worship, leaving individuals estranged from the very qualities they have attributed to God. Feuerbach’s critique, therefore, is not only philosophical but also emancipatory, urging humanity to reclaim its own power and virtues. His famous assertion, “Man is what he eats,” emphasizes the material and physical grounding of human existence. This aphorism underscores his rejection of metaphysical dualisms and his insistence on the unity of body and mind.

Feuerbach’s philosophy marks a decisive turn toward materialism, a shift that influenced the development of Marxism. While Hegel saw the material world as a manifestation of Spirit (Geist), Feuerbach inverted this relationship, arguing that consciousness arises from material conditions. For Feuerbach, the starting point of philosophy is not abstract ideas but the tangible reality of human beings as embodied, social creatures. His emphasis on the sensory, material basis of human life represents a radical departure from the speculative traditions of German Idealism. Feuerbach’s materialism, however, is not reductive; he does not deny the significance of human consciousness, creativity, and culture. Instead, he seeks to ground these phenomena in the empirical realities of human existence.

Feuerbach’s humanism had a profound impact on Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, who acknowledged his critique of religion as a necessary step in the development of historical materialism. Marx’s famous assertion that religion is “the opium of the people” owes much to Feuerbach’s analysis of religion as an ideological construct that reflects and perpetuates social alienation. However, Marx and Engels also critiqued Feuerbach for his lack of political engagement and his failure to analyze the social and economic conditions that give rise to alienation. While Feuerbach emphasized the role of human consciousness in creating religious and philosophical systems, Marx insisted that material conditions and class relations are the primary determinants of human thought and behavior.

After The Essence of Christianity, Feuerbach’s philosophical output waned, and he struggled to achieve the same level of influence. His later works, such as Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843), reiterated his commitment to a human-centered philosophy but failed to break new ground. Financial difficulties and the political turbulence of mid-19th-century Germany further marginalized him. Despite these challenges, Feuerbach’s legacy endures. His critique of religion laid the groundwork for modern secularism, psychology, and existentialism. Thinkers like Sigmund Freud and Jean-Paul Sartre echoed Feuerbach’s themes of projection and alienation, while his emphasis on human nature influenced the development of humanist ethics.

Feuerbach’s philosophy has been the subject of significant critique. Some have accused him of oversimplifying religion, reducing it to mere anthropological projection while neglecting its complex social and cultural dimensions. His materialism, while innovative, has also been criticized for its lack of a systematic method and for failing to address issues of political and economic power. Moreover, Feuerbach’s reliance on an essentialist notion of human nature has been questioned by contemporary philosophers who argue that human identity is more fluid and socially constructed than he acknowledged. Despite these critiques, Feuerbach’s insights into the human foundations of religious belief remain a cornerstone of modern thought.

In a world increasingly shaped by secularism, Feuerbach’s ideas resonate more than ever. His critique of religion as a form of alienation invites reflection on contemporary issues such as consumerism, nationalism, and the commodification of human relationships. Just as Feuerbach urged humanity to reclaim its essence from the projections of religion, modern society faces the challenge of reclaiming its autonomy from the dehumanizing forces of capitalism and technology. Feuerbach’s humanism also offers a compelling alternative to both nihilism and authoritarianism. By affirming the value and dignity of the human person, Feuerbach provides a foundation for ethical and political thought rooted in empathy, solidarity, and the recognition of shared humanity.

Ludwig Feuerbach was a philosopher ahead of his time, whose radical critique of religion and metaphysics reshaped the intellectual landscape of the 19th century and beyond. By challenging the foundations of theology and idealism, he paved the way for a more human-centered philosophy that continues to influence contemporary thought. While his ideas have been critiqued and refined by later thinkers, Feuerbach’s core insight—that understanding humanity is the key to understanding the world—remains as relevant today as it was in his time. Through his work, Feuerbach reminds us that philosophy is not merely an abstract pursuit but a means of grappling with the profound questions of existence, identity, and the human condition. His legacy endures as a testament to the enduring power of critical thought and the transformative potential of reclaiming our humanity.

Liberation Theology

Liberation theology emerged as a significant movement within Christian thought during the late 20th century, particularly in Latin America. It represents a paradigm shift in the way theology is understood and applied in the world, emphasizing the importance of social justice, human dignity, and the liberation of oppressed peoples. This theological movement sought to address the deep-seated social, economic, and political inequalities that characterized much of Latin American society and has had a lasting impact on both religious and secular spheres. At its heart, liberation theology is a call to action for Christians to engage in the struggle for justice and human dignity, a vision rooted not only in theological reflection but also in a lived praxis that confronts oppression and seeks liberation.

Liberation theology emerged in the 1960s and 1970s as a response to the widespread social, economic, and political conditions of Latin American countries. The region was marked by extreme poverty, political repression, and social inequality, particularly affecting rural and marginalized communities. Many saw the traditional role of the Catholic Church as either complicit in or indifferent to these conditions. However, a new generation of theologians and clergy began to see the potential for the Church to act as a force for justice. Theologians like Gustavo Gutiérrez, whose seminal work A Theology of Liberation (1971) is often considered the foundational text of the movement, sought to reinterpret Christian doctrine in light of the realities of poverty and oppression. Gutiérrez and others argued that faith must move beyond a merely individual and spiritualized focus on personal salvation and embrace a theology of action aimed at transforming society.

At the heart of liberation theology is the “preferential option for the poor,” a principle that asserts that God has a special concern for the poor and oppressed, and that Christians are called to prioritize their needs in both personal and collective action. This idea is rooted in the biblical narrative, particularly in the story of the exodus, where God frees the Israelites from slavery, and in the teachings of Jesus, who stands in solidarity with those on the margins of society. Liberation theology suggests that the Gospel message cannot be fully understood without addressing social, economic, and political inequalities. This “option for the poor” demands that the Church’s mission extend beyond individual piety and personal salvation to actively challenge systems of oppression, injustice, and inequality. It recognizes that the Kingdom of God is not merely a future, spiritual reality but a present struggle for justice, equality, and human dignity.

The social gospel, another central theme of liberation theology, emphasizes collective liberation rather than individual salvation. It stresses that the Kingdom of God is not just a future reality but an ongoing struggle for justice and equity here and now. Theologians like Gutiérrez and his contemporaries argued that Christians must move from a purely individualistic focus on salvation to a broader, communal approach that includes the pursuit of justice. This involves not just a change of heart but a change of structures. Liberation theology calls for active engagement with the world, working alongside the poor and oppressed to dismantle systems of economic exploitation, political oppression, and social inequality. It insists that Christian faith should not be divorced from social action, and that the Church must be a community that stands in solidarity with the poor and works toward their liberation.

The emphasis on praxis, or action informed by reflection, is a key element of liberation theology. This involves not only understanding the conditions of the oppressed but also acting to change them. Theologians argue that faith without works is meaningless, and Christian action should directly confront unjust structures such as colonialism, racism, and economic exploitation. In this sense, liberation theology seeks to bridge the gap between theory and practice, grounding theological reflection in the realities of daily life. This praxis involves collaboration between theology and social sciences, as liberation theologians often draw on insights from disciplines like sociology, economics, and anthropology to understand the root causes of poverty and oppression.

A radical reinterpretation of scripture is another foundational aspect of liberation theology. Theologians emphasize that the Bible should be read through the eyes of the oppressed. They point to passages such as the exodus story, in which God frees the Israelites from slavery, as central motifs for understanding God’s ongoing work of liberation in the world. Jesus’ ministry, in this framework, is understood as one of radical inclusivity and justice for the marginalized. The story of Jesus feeding the hungry, healing the sick, and challenging oppressive religious and political structures becomes a model for Christian action. This reinterpretation of scripture not only uncovers a biblical mandate for social justice but also challenges the traditional interpretations of Christianity that often focus solely on individual salvation.

Gustavo Gutiérrez, one of the key figures in the development of liberation theology, has had a profound impact on the movement. His work A Theology of Liberation laid the theological and biblical foundations for the movement, urging Christians to recognize the material conditions of the poor and oppressed and to act to change them. Gutiérrez’s theology is deeply influenced by Marxist thought, particularly the idea of class struggle. He does not advocate for a purely Marxist approach to theology but argues that Christians must recognize the structural nature of poverty and oppression and work to dismantle unjust social systems. Liberation theology, in Gutiérrez’s view, is a way of engaging the world that combines faith with a commitment to social transformation. His emphasis on the importance of grassroots communities, such as the Base Ecclesial Communities (CEBs), became a powerful force for political activism and social change. These communities, which sought to read the Bible together and understand their lives through the lens of scripture, became centers of solidarity, education, and advocacy for the poor.

The impact of liberation theology extended beyond Latin America, influencing movements for social justice and human rights worldwide. In many cases, the movement inspired clergy and laypeople to engage in advocacy for land reform, workers’ rights, and the end of military dictatorships. Liberation theologians often risked their lives to challenge oppressive regimes, and figures like Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador became iconic figures of resistance and advocacy. Romero, who was martyred for his outspoken commitment to social justice, called on the Church to be a voice for the poor and oppressed, urging Christians to work for justice even at the cost of personal risk. Liberation theology provided a framework that connected faith with action, challenging the institutional Church to go beyond traditional forms of ministry and engage in political and social activism.

However, liberation theology faced significant criticism, particularly from conservative factions within the Catholic Church. The Vatican, under the leadership of Pope John Paul II and Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (who later became Pope Benedict XVI), condemned aspects of liberation theology, particularly its Marxist influences. Critics argued that liberation theology’s focus on political activism detracted from the spiritual mission of the Church and could lead to the politicization of religion. The Vatican expressed concerns that this focus might divert the Church from its pastoral mission and challenge the doctrine of papal authority. These critiques often centered on the perception that liberation theology sought to align Christianity too closely with Marxist ideology, though liberation theologians themselves emphasized that their focus was on justice and human dignity rather than political ideology.

Despite these criticisms, liberation theology has continued to evolve and inspire new generations of theologians and activists. It has adapted to various contexts, including feminist liberation theology, black liberation theology, and queer liberation theology, each of which applies the principles of liberation theology to address specific forms of oppression. These new strands of liberation theology highlight the interconnected nature of various forms of oppression and emphasize the importance of solidarity across different social justice movements. This pluralistic approach to theology remains a compelling vision of faith that is intimately tied to the realities of human suffering and the quest for justice.

In conclusion, liberation theology represents a powerful and transformative approach to theology that seeks to address the material conditions of the poor and oppressed. By emphasizing social justice, human dignity, and the preferential option for the poor, liberation theology challenges Christians to move beyond personal salvation and engage in the struggle for systemic change. While it has faced significant opposition and criticism, its influence on both the religious and political spheres is undeniable. Liberation theology remains a vision of faith that calls for active solidarity with the poor and marginalized, rooted in a deep commitment to justice and human dignity. It continues to inspire new generations of theologians, activists, and Christians who seek to live out their faith in ways that challenge oppressive structures and build a more just and compassionate world.

Radical Love

To live as if the world were already transformed by a love that transcends reason is to embody a vision of existence where love, in its purest, most unconditional form, is the defining force of life. It means living in alignment with the belief that love is the highest, most transcendent reality—not a mere sentiment or emotional response but a transformative power that reaches beyond the confines of human understanding and reasoning. This form of living invites a radical shift in perspective, where the logic of compassion, empathy, and interconnectedness governs one’s actions rather than self-interest, fear, or the desire for control. It challenges us to embody the reality we wish to see, acting as though the world has already been fully enveloped in the love that transcends reason.

At its core, the idea of a love that transcends reason speaks to a love that cannot be fully understood or grasped by human intellect or logic. This love does not operate within the frameworks of judgment, comparison, or calculation. It is not constrained by conditions or the need for reciprocation. It is a love that flows freely, unbound by human limitations, and transcends every boundary we might try to impose on it—be it cultural, philosophical, or theological. To live as if this love already governs the world is to step into a way of being that reflects this love in the most practical and profound ways.

One of the first things to understand about living as though the world were transformed by love is the paradox at the heart of this notion. On the one hand, love that transcends reason suggests something beyond the ordinary, beyond our human understanding of love, something so vast and cosmic that it cannot be fully contained within the limits of human comprehension. On the other hand, this same love is not distant or abstract—it is immanent, here and now, available in every moment, in every interaction, and in every experience.

Living as though the world is already transformed by this love means recognizing the profound mystery of both transcendence and immanence at play. It means seeing every moment as a possibility for connection with a love that is beyond human logic yet present within human relationships, within nature, and within the depths of our own hearts. In this way, love is both the unseen force shaping everything and the tangible expression of grace that we encounter in everyday life. The love that transcends reason is not an external force acting upon us but something that resides within us, something that we can tap into and channel into the world. This means that we are not passive recipients of this love; we are active participants in its unfolding. Every choice we make, every word we speak, every gesture we offer, is a potential act of love that can ripple out and transform the world around us.

To live in this way also means embracing uncertainty and mystery. The love that transcends reason does not fit neatly into systems of logic or comprehension. It invites us to acknowledge that there are many things in life—both personal and cosmic—that we may never fully understand. This doesn’t mean adopting a stance of nihilism or indifference, but rather, it’s a call to surrender the need for absolute answers and embrace the beauty of the unknown. It’s an invitation to trust in the process of life itself and to hold space for mystery rather than trying to force every question into a logical framework. This kind of living requires that we abandon our need for control and embrace the flow of life as it unfolds. It asks us to sit with the discomfort of not knowing and to find peace in that uncertainty.

In practical terms, this might look like approaching life with a sense of wonder, remaining open to the unexpected, and being comfortable with ambiguity. It means not needing everything to make sense or fit into a rational narrative, but instead allowing the complexities and contradictions of life to unfold in their own time and space. To live as if the world were transformed by a love that transcends reason is to trust in the inherent wisdom of life itself, knowing that while our understanding may be limited, the love that surrounds us is boundless and ever-present. This trust in the mystery of life opens us to experiences that transcend logic and invite us into deeper, more authentic relationships with others and with ourselves.

Compassion is one of the most powerful expressions of a love that transcends reason. In a world that often operates on the logic of retribution and justice, choosing to forgive is an act that defies conventional understanding. Forgiveness is not about denying the wrongs committed or absolving others of responsibility, but about releasing the hold that anger, resentment, and hurt have over us. It is an act of freedom—freeing oneself from the chains of bitterness and allowing love to flow where there once was pain. Living as though the world is already transformed by love means choosing radical forgiveness, both for ourselves and for others. It involves letting go of the need to control outcomes or force resolution and instead, allowing grace to enter into even the most broken and painful parts of life. Grace is unearned favor, an expression of love that cannot be earned or justified by merit. It’s the kind of love that, rather than seeking repayment, offers healing without condition. To live with grace is to acknowledge that we are all flawed, all in need of redemption, and that it is through love that we are healed, not through judgment or condemnation. In choosing grace, we step into the realm of possibility where transformation occurs—not through the mechanisms of law or punishment, but through the liberating force of love.

Radical forgiveness does not deny the complexities of the human experience but embraces them fully. It recognizes the depth of pain that often accompanies the act of forgiveness and the courage it takes to choose love in the face of injustice. But it also acknowledges that the power of forgiveness is far more transformative than the perpetuation of cycles of harm and revenge. To forgive, in this sense, is not to erase the past, but to transform it into something that serves our collective healing, rather than our continued suffering. Living in this way, as if the world were already transformed by love, means embracing forgiveness as an act of liberation—liberating both ourselves and others from the cycles of guilt, shame, and resentment that keep us bound to the past.

To live as though the world is already transformed by a love that transcends reason is not to deny the current state of the world but to actively participate in its transformation. It is to recognize that love is the ultimate force for change in the world—not political ideology, economic power, or technological advancement, but love. Love changes hearts, transforms communities, and heals the deepest wounds. It is the force that has the power to break down walls of division, to heal brokenness, and to create new possibilities where once there seemed to be none. Living in alignment with this truth means being agents of love in every sphere of life—whether in our relationships, our work, our activism, or our inner spiritual practice. It means choosing to prioritize love over fear, collaboration over competition, and understanding over judgment. It is a call to make love the center of all our decisions and actions, knowing that as we live with love, we contribute to the collective transformation of the world.

The transformation of the world through love does not happen overnight, nor does it happen without effort. But it begins in the smallest of moments—in the ways we choose to treat others, in the ways we choose to respond to the challenges and injustices we face, and in the ways we open our hearts to the possibility of healing. The love that transcends reason is not a passive force but an active one. It demands that we show up for the world in all its brokenness and beauty, that we hold space for both the pain and the possibility of redemption. It calls us to live as though the world is already transformed, even as we continue to work toward that transformation.

Living as though the world were already transformed by a love that transcends reason is a radical way of being, one that calls us to embrace the deepest mysteries of existence while acting with profound compassion, forgiveness, and grace. It challenges us to trust in the power of love as the ultimate force of transformation and to embody that love in all that we do. This way of life is not about achieving perfection or solving every problem; rather, it is about living in alignment with the deepest truths of our shared humanity and our connection to a love that surpasses human understanding. In doing so, we participate in the ongoing transformation of the world, one act of love at a time. Each choice, each act of kindness, each gesture of forgiveness is a step toward the world that we know is possible—a world where love, not reason, reigns supreme.

Religious Trauma Syndrome

Religious belief has been both a source of profound meaning and intense personal struggle throughout human history. For many, religious faith provides comfort, moral guidance, and community support. However, certain environments can foster emotional and psychological distress, leaving some adherents traumatized rather than nurtured. One movement particularly scrutinized in this context is evangelicalism, especially in its more conservative and fundamentalist forms. The term Religious Trauma Syndrome (RTS) has been proposed to describe the psychological impact of these environments, often manifesting in symptoms similar to post-traumatic stress. This essay will examine evangelicalism’s relationship with RTS, exploring how the movement’s unique doctrines and practices can contribute to this phenomenon.

Understanding Evangelicalism: Beliefs and Practices

Evangelicalism, broadly defined, is a Protestant Christian movement that emphasizes a personal relationship with Jesus Christ, the authority of the Bible, and an imperative to evangelize, or “spread the gospel.” Although evangelicalism encompasses a wide spectrum of beliefs, certain features are common across many evangelical communities, such as a literal or near-literal interpretation of the Bible, a focus on sin and redemption, and an eschatological outlook involving teachings on the end times, judgment, and hell. The movement’s emphasis on the “born-again” experience often creates a dualistic worldview that divides individuals into two groups: the “saved” (those who have accepted Christ) and the “unsaved” (those who have not).

Evangelical teachings often address moral purity, personal sinfulness, and the need for repentance. Certain behaviors and beliefs may be prescribed or proscribed, particularly around sexuality, gender roles, and family dynamics, shaping the lives of adherents with a strict moral framework. While this structure can provide believers with clarity and a shared moral foundation, it can also lead to a culture of intense self-scrutiny and guilt, as individuals are taught to constantly examine their own lives for signs of spiritual inadequacy or impurity. The movement’s emphasis on conversion and salvation often includes fear-based warnings about hell, punishment, and eternal damnation. This fear-driven motivation to stay within the faith and “rescue” others from spiritual peril can, for some, result in long-lasting psychological effects.

What Is Religious Trauma Syndrome (RTS)?

Religious Trauma Syndrome is a term that describes the psychological distress experienced by individuals who have left—or who are trying to leave—high-control religious environments. Although not yet an official diagnosis in the DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders), RTS has gained traction in psychological circles, particularly in discussions around the lasting impacts of certain religious teachings. The term seeks to encompass symptoms like anxiety, depression, low self-esteem, difficulty with decision-making, and sometimes symptoms resembling PTSD, such as flashbacks, nightmares, and hypervigilance.

RTS is generally understood to arise from religious environments that employ authoritarian, fear-based, or manipulative tactics to instill and maintain faith. In particular, RTS is thought to be more common among individuals who have been exposed to intense teachings on sin, eternal damnation, and human depravity, as well as environments where questioning or critical thought are discouraged. In many cases, people experiencing RTS report a prolonged internal struggle, caught between lingering fears instilled by religious teachings and the desire to reclaim a sense of personal autonomy and mental well-being.

The Mechanisms of RTS within Evangelicalism

Evangelicalism, with its doctrinal fervor and focus on conversion, creates several potential avenues for RTS to develop. The structure and culture within evangelical communities can cultivate intense psychological strain, especially in the following areas:

1. Fear-Based Teachings on Hell and Eternal Damnation

One of the defining characteristics of evangelicalism is the teaching of hell as a literal place of eternal punishment for the unrepentant. Many evangelical communities emphasize the gravity of sin and the impending danger of hell, with believers encouraged to live “holy lives” and evangelize to others to avoid damnation. These teachings can have a particularly strong impact on young people, who are often introduced to concepts of sin and punishment at a young age, creating deep-seated fears of divine retribution.

This fear-based approach can leave former believers struggling with anxiety, guilt, and residual fear long after they’ve left the faith. The idea of hell as an immediate, ever-present risk can create an internalized sense of unworthiness or terror, which may lead to a state of constant vigilance over one’s actions and thoughts, often to the detriment of mental health.

2. Focus on Sin and Guilt

Evangelicalism’s emphasis on personal sinfulness can foster an environment of guilt and shame. Believers are often taught to view themselves as inherently sinful and in need of salvation, with a focus on constantly identifying and repenting of sinful thoughts, behaviors, or tendencies. This creates a cycle of guilt and repentance, where individuals may feel unworthy, ashamed, or burdened by their inability to meet the high moral standards prescribed by their faith.

In people with RTS, these feelings of guilt can become internalized, forming an almost obsessive pattern of self-criticism and anxiety. Even after leaving the faith, many find themselves plagued by guilt over normal human experiences or desires, leading to low self-esteem and a fractured self-image. This effect is particularly pronounced for those raised in the faith, as they often develop their sense of self-worth within the framework of these teachings.

3. Authoritarian Structures and Lack of Autonomy

Many evangelical communities have strong hierarchical structures, with pastors or church leaders positioned as spiritual authorities whose teachings should not be questioned. This can lead to a dynamic where individuals feel pressured to conform and are discouraged from exploring beliefs outside of the group’s teachings. In authoritarian settings, critical thinking and questioning are often seen as signs of rebellion or weakness of faith, with a heavy emphasis placed on obedience and submission.

For those affected by RTS, this environment can stifle personal development and critical thinking skills, making it difficult to make independent decisions or trust one’s own judgment. Leaving the faith can therefore result in an identity crisis, as individuals struggle to build a sense of self outside the religious framework they once depended upon for validation and guidance.

4. Social Isolation and Loss of Community

Evangelicalism often encourages believers to limit their interactions with “worldly” influences, reinforcing a sense of separation from non-believers. In highly conservative communities, those who express doubt or choose to leave the faith can experience social ostracism, rejection, and even shunning by family and friends. This isolation can be devastating for former believers who find themselves cut off from the support networks they once relied upon.

For those dealing with RTS, the loss of community can compound feelings of abandonment and loneliness. The sense of betrayal that some experience upon leaving, or being rejected by, their community can deepen the trauma, leading to struggles with trust and relationship-building outside the faith. The breakdown of social support exacerbates symptoms of depression and anxiety, leaving individuals without the social anchors necessary for healing and growth.

Pathways to Recovery from RTS

Recovering from RTS within the context of evangelicalism is often a long and challenging process, requiring individuals to rebuild a sense of self and community outside the religious structure that shaped them. Some essential components of recovery include:

  1. Therapeutic Support: Many find help through therapy, especially with counselors experienced in religious trauma. Therapy can assist individuals in processing guilt and shame, developing self-compassion, and breaking free from fear-based beliefs.
  2. Building Community: Finding support groups or communities of people who have had similar experiences can provide a vital source of validation and encouragement. Shared experiences help individuals feel less isolated and offer a sense of solidarity.
  3. Critical Thinking and Education: Learning about alternative viewpoints, exploring religious history, and developing critical thinking skills can empower people to reclaim their agency. It also helps them contextualize their past experiences, reducing the power of fear-based beliefs.
  4. Reclaiming Autonomy and Self-Identity: Recovering from RTS involves creating a new self-identity based on personal beliefs, values, and experiences rather than on external expectations or authoritarian teachings.

Conclusion

Evangelicalism, with its strict doctrines and high-stakes teachings on sin, salvation, and hell, provides a fertile ground for the development of Religious Trauma Syndrome in certain adherents. While not all who practice evangelicalism experience RTS, those who do often struggle profoundly with feelings of guilt, shame, fear, and isolation. By acknowledging the unique psychological challenges that can arise in this context, RTS provides a language for understanding the real emotional toll that some religious environments can take on individuals. Moreover, it invites a broader discussion about the balance between doctrinal rigor and the mental well-being of believers, raising critical questions about the ethics of fear-based religious practices. Recognizing RTS may ultimately encourage religious communities to evolve, fostering environments that nurture spiritual growth without compromising psychological health.

American Evangelicalism

American evangelicalism, once a movement that purported to offer the gospel’s transformative power and wisdom, has devolved into a political weapon, a hollow shell of what it was meant to be. It has abandoned its sacred call to radical love, justice, and mercy in favor of political expediency, cultural influence, and financial gain. The evangelical church today, cloaked in a veil of self-righteousness, is more concerned with maintaining power and prestige than with living out the teachings of Jesus Christ. Its leaders, once the spiritual shepherds of a faith community, have traded their moral authority for political clout, and in the process, they have corrupted the gospel, turning it into a tool for personal and partisan gain.

At its core, evangelicalism in America has become an ideology dressed up as a faith. The movement has lost any meaningful connection to the person of Jesus Christ and instead serves as a vehicle for advancing political agendas, protecting wealth, and maintaining the status quo. Evangelical leaders, who once spoke of salvation, grace, and spiritual renewal, now echo the talking points of right-wing politics, forgetting that their Lord was a poor, marginalized figure who condemned the powerful, warned about wealth, and called for the care of the oppressed. The alliance between evangelicalism and conservative politics is not a coincidence—it is a deliberate and disgraceful fusion that has gutted the movement of its prophetic voice.

The evangelical embrace of Donald Trump, a man whose character is antithetical to everything that the Christian faith stands for, has exposed the depths of this betrayal. Trump, a man whose immorality, dishonesty, and egoism are evident in every aspect of his life, was enthusiastically endorsed by evangelical leaders as the champion of Christian values. This is not only a gross distortion of the gospel but a direct insult to the teachings of Christ. These evangelical leaders have turned a blind eye to Trump’s myriad moral failings—his racism, misogyny, greed, and outright dishonesty—because they saw him as a means to an end: power. The sad reality is that, for too many in evangelical circles, politics has replaced faith. In the search for power, they have chosen political alignment with a man who exemplifies everything that Christ came to challenge. This is not a political disagreement; it is a betrayal of the very heart of Christianity.

The embrace of Trump is not the only moral scandal of American evangelicalism. The movement has systematically distanced itself from the social and spiritual teachings of Jesus in order to accommodate the prevailing ideologies of the day. Evangelicals, once on the front lines of social justice, have largely abandoned any meaningful engagement with issues of poverty, racism, and inequality. Where Jesus preached the love of neighbor, the evangelical church has come to preach the love of nationalism, exclusion, and prosperity. Instead of welcoming the stranger and caring for the marginalized, the evangelical movement now cultivates an “us versus them” mentality, demonizing immigrants, the poor, and anyone who doesn’t conform to their narrow understanding of morality.

Let us not forget how the evangelical movement has become the very definition of hypocrisy. In the past, the church was a place for reflection, for repentance, for honesty in the face of human frailty. Today, however, it has become an institution that demands conformity above all else. Questions are not welcome, and doubt is viewed as a threat to the system. The movement is consumed with preserving the status quo, forcing adherents into a box of ideological purity where any deviation is punished. Those who dare to ask questions about the church’s practices or challenge the prevailing orthodoxy are ostracized, labeled as heretics, and often cast out. This culture of fear and control creates an environment in which spiritual growth is stifled, and true discipleship is nearly impossible. Evangelicals have forgotten that Jesus Himself was a challenger of the status quo, and in doing so, they have lost the courage to do the same.

The theological reductionism that has overtaken the movement is another tragic distortion. What was once a vibrant, intellectual faith has now been reduced to a shallow, black-and-white system of beliefs. No longer is there room for nuance, complexity, or mystery. Instead, everything is codified into a list of doctrines that are interpreted with such literalism that they lose any depth or meaning. The gospel, once a message of transformation, becomes a tool to reinforce a specific political agenda, with passages about love, mercy, and justice ignored in favor of texts that can be twisted to justify exclusionary practices, cultural superiority, and the accumulation of wealth.

Perhaps the most insidious aspect of this is how the evangelical movement has constructed an entire theology around fear. Fear of hell, fear of the unknown, fear of “the other”—this has become the driving force behind much of evangelical practice. The message of grace, freedom, and love that should define the Christian experience has been replaced with a constant drumbeat of fear, guilt, and shame. This fear-driven approach to faith results in a congregation that is more interested in being “saved” from punishment than in living out the radical, life-giving love that Jesus taught. The movement has constructed a false sense of security, where believers are encouraged to place their hope in political power, cultural dominance, and doctrinal purity, rather than in the transformative power of grace, repentance, and forgiveness.

In this climate of fear, doubt is not only discouraged but punished. The very act of questioning one’s faith becomes anathema, and anyone who dares to challenge the accepted narrative is cast aside. The evangelical church has become an echo chamber—afraid of change, allergic to dissent, and suspicious of anyone who does not adhere strictly to the prescribed beliefs. The result is a spiritually stagnant movement that has lost its ability to engage with the real struggles of the world. Instead of being a beacon of light in a darkened world, it has become a fortress of ideological purity, retreating further and further from the complex, messy reality of human life.

It is no wonder, then, that more and more people are leaving evangelicalism. The church, once a place of refuge, healing, and community, has become a toxic environment—where questions are silenced, power is worshiped, and grace is forgotten. People are waking up to the reality that evangelicalism has not only failed to live out the gospel but has become an agent of harm. Those who leave are not rejecting God—they are rejecting a corrupt system that has used God’s name to further its own interests.

The time has come for evangelicalism to reckon with its own failure. It needs a radical transformation—a return to the core principles of the gospel, a return to the values of love, justice, mercy, and humility that it once claimed to represent. It must free itself from its political entanglements, from its obsession with power, and from its insidious culture of fear and control. Only then can it hope to become the movement it was meant to be: a movement that embodies the radical love of Jesus, challenges the systems of oppression and injustice, and offers true transformation to a broken world.

Until then, American evangelicalism will remain a shadow of its former self—a movement that has lost its moral compass, abandoned its mission, and betrayed the very gospel it once held so dear. And as long as it continues down this path, it will continue to do more harm than good, perpetuating a false version of Christianity that bears little resemblance to the message of Christ.

Athens & Jerusalem

FOREWORD

“The greatest good of man is to discourse daily about virtue.”
– PLATO, Apology, 38A.

“Whatsoever is not of faith is sin.”
– ST. PAUL, Romans, 14:23.

A foreword is basically always a post-word. This book, developed and written over a long period of time, is at last finished. The foreword now seeks only to formulate as briefly as possible what has given direction to the author’s thought over the course of several years.

“Athens and Jerusalem,” “religious philosophy” – these expressions are practically identical; they have almost the same meaning. One is as mysterious as the other, and they irritate modern thought to the same degree by the inner contradiction they contain. Would it not be more proper to pose the dilemma as: Athens or Jerusalem, religion or philosophy? Were we to appeal to the judgement of history, the answer would be clear. History would tell us that the greatest representatives of the human spirit have, for almost two thousand years, rejected all the attempts which have been made to oppose Athens to Jerusalem, that they have always passionately maintained the conjunction “and” between Athens and Jerusalem and stubbornly refused “or.” Jerusalem and Athens, religion and rational philosophy, have ever lived peacefully side by side. And this peace was, for men, the guarantee of their dearest longings, whether realised or unrealised.

But can one rely on the judgement of history? Is not history the “wicked judge” of popular Russian legend, to whom the contending parties in pagan countries found themselves obliged to turn? By what does history guide itself in its judgements? The historians would like to believe that they do not judge at all, that they are content simply to relate “what happened,” that they draw from the past and set before us certain “facts” that have been forgotten or lost in the past. It is not the historians who pronounce “judgement”; this rises of itself or is already included in the facts. In this respect the historians do not at all distinguish themselves, and do not wish to be distinguished, from the representatives of the other positive sciences: the fact is, for them, the final and supreme court of judgement; it is impossible to appeal from it to anyone or anything else.

Many philosophers, especially among the moderns, are hypnotised by facts quite as much as are the scientists. To listen to them, one would think that the fact by itself already constitutes truth. But what is a fact? How is a fact to be distinguished from a fiction or a product of the imagination? The philosophers, it is true, admit the possibility of hallucinations, mirages, dreams, etc.; and yet it is rarely recognised that, if we are obliged to disengage the facts from the mass of direct or indirect deliverances of the consciousness, this means that the fact by itself does not constitute the final court of judgement. It means that we place ourselves before every fact with certain ready-made norms, with a certain “theory” that is the precondition of the possibility of seeking and finding truth. What are those norms? What is this theory? Whence do they come to us, and why do we blithely accord them such confidence? Or perhaps other questions should be put: Do we really seek facts? Is it facts that we really need? Are not facts simply a pretext, a screen even, behind which quite other demands of the spirit are concealed?

I have said above that the majority of philosophers bow down before the fact, before “experience.” Certain among the philosophers, however – and not the least of them – have seen clearly that the facts are at best only raw material which by itself furnishes neither knowledge nor truth and which it is necessary to mould and even to transform. Plato distinguished “opinion” (doxa) from “knowledge” (epistêmê). For Aristotle knowledge was knowledge of the universal. Descartes proceeded from veritates aeternae (eternal truths). Spinoza valued only his tertium genus cognitionis (third kind of knowledge). Leibniz distinguished vérités de fait from vérités de raison and was not even afraid to declare openly that the eternal truths had entered into the mind of God without asking His permission. In Kant we read this confession, stated with extraordinary frankness: “Experience, which is content to tell us about what it is that it is but does not tell us that what is is necessarily, does not give us knowledge; not only does it not satisfy but rather it irritates our reason, which avidly aspires to universal and necessary judgements.” It is hard to exaggerate the importance of such a confession, coming especially from the author of The Critique of Pure Reason. Experience and fact irritate us because they do not give us knowledge. It is not knowledge that fact or experience brings us. Knowledge is something quite different from experience or from fact, and only the knowledge which we never succeed in finding either in the facts or in experience is that which reason, “our better part,” seeks with all its powers. There arises here a series of questions, each more troubling than the other. First of all, if it is really so, wherein is the critical philosophy distinguished from the dogmatic? After Kant’s confession, are not Spinoza’s tertium genus cognitionis and Leibniz’s vérités de raison (those truths which entered into the mind of God without His permission) confirmed in their hallowed rights by a centuries-old tradition? Did the critical philosophy overcome that which was the content, the soul even, of the pre-critical philosophy? Did it not assimilate itself to it, having concealed this from us?

I would recall in this connection the very significant conflict, and one which the historians of philosophy for some unknown reason neglect, between Leibniz and the already deceased Descartes. In his letters Descartes several times expresses his conviction that the eternal truths do not exist from all eternity and by their own will, as their eternity would require, but that they were created by God in the same way as He created all that possesses any real or ideal being. “If I affirm,” writes Descartes, “that there cannot be a mountain without a valley, this is not because it is really impossible that it should be otherwise, but simply because God has given me a reason which cannot do other than assume the existence of a valley wherever there is a mountain.” Citing these words of Descartes, Bayle agrees that the thought which they express is remarkable, but that he, Bayle, is incapable of assimilating it; however, he does not give up the hope of someday succeeding in this. Now Leibniz, who was always so calm and balanced and who ordinarily paid such sympathetic attention to the opinions of others, was quite beside himself every time he recalled this judgement of Descartes. Descartes, who permitted himself to defend such absurdities, even though it was only in his private correspondence, aroused his indignation, as did also Bayle whom these absurdities had seduced. Indeed, if Descartes “is right,” if the eternal truths are not autonomous but depend on the will, or, more precisely, the pleasure of the Creator, how would philosophy or what we call philosophy be possible? How would truth in general be possible? When Leibniz set out on the search for truth, he always armed himself with the principle of contradiction and the principle of sufficient reason, just as, in his own words, a captain of a ship arms himself on setting out to sea with a compass and maps. These two principles Leibniz called his invincible soldiers. But if one or the other of these principles is shaken, how is truth to be sought? There is something here about which one feels troubled and even frightened. Aristotle would certainly have declared on the matter of the Cartesian mountain without a valley that such things may be said but cannot be thought. Leibniz could have appealed to Aristotle, but this seemed to him insufficient. He needed proofs but, since after the fall of the principles of contradiction and of sufficient reason the very notion of proof or demonstrability is no longer anything but a mirage or phantom, there remained only one thing for him to do – to be indignant. Indignation, to be sure, is an argumentum ad hominem; it ought then to have no place in philosophy. But when it is a question of supreme goods, man is not too choosy in the matter of proof, provided only that he succeeds somehow or other in protecting himself …

Leibniz’s indignation, however, is not at bottom distinguished from the Kantian formulas – “reason aspires avidly,” “reason is irritated,” etc. Every time reason greatly desires something, is someone bound immediately to furnish whatever it demands? Are we really obliged to flatter all of reason’s desires and forbidden to irritate it? Should not reason, on the contrary, be forced to satisfy us and to avoid in any way arousing our irritation? Kant could not resolve to “criticise” reason in this way and the Kantian critique of reason does not ask such questions, just as the pre-critical philosophy never asked them. Plato and Aristotle, bewitched by Socrates, and, after them, modern philosophy – Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz, as well as Kant – seek, with all the passion of which men are capable, universal and necessary truths – the only thing, according to them, which is worthy of being called “knowledge.” In short, it would hardly be extravagant to say that the problem of knowledge, or more exactly, knowledge as a problem, not only has never drawn the attention of the most notable representatives of philosophical thought but has repelled them. Everyone has been convinced that man needs knowledge more than anything else in the world, that knowledge is the only source of truth, and especially – I emphasise this particularly and insist upon it – that knowledge furnishes us with universal and necessary truths which embrace all being, truths from which man cannot escape and from which there is consequently no need to escape. Leibniz said that the “eternal truths” are not content to constrain but do something still more important: they “persuade.” And it is not, of course, only Leibniz personally whom they persuade but all men; Leibniz would not have ascribed any value to truths capable of persuading him but incapable of persuading others or even of constraining them.

In this respect there is hardly any difference between Leibniz and Kant. The latter has told us that reason avidly aspires to necessary and universal judgements. It is true that, in the case of Kant, the element of constraint seems to play a decisive and definitive role: even if there should be men whom the truths do not persuade, whom they irritate as experience irritates Kant, this would be no great misfortune; the truths would nevertheless constrain them and thus fully succeed in justifying themselves. And, in the last analysis, does not constraint persuade? In other words, truth is truth so long as it has demonstrative proofs at its disposal. As for indemonstrable truths, no one has any need of them and they appear to be incapable of persuading even a Leibniz.

It is this that determines Kant’s attitude towards metaphysics. It is known that according to Kant, who speaks of this more than once in his Critique of Reason, metaphysics has as its object three problems – God, the immortality of the soul, and freedom. But suddenly it appears that the final result of the Kantian critique is that none of these three metaphysical truths is demonstrable and that there can be no scientific metaphysics. One would have thought that such a discovery would have shaken Kant’s soul to its deepest foundations. But it did nothing of the sort. In his Preface to the Second Edition of The Critique of Pure Reason, Kant declares calmly, almost solemnly: “I had to renounce knowledge (Wissen) in order to make room for faith (Glauben).” So Kant speaks in this same Preface, where we read the following lines: “It will always be a scandal for philosophy and human reason in general that we must accept the existence of things outside ourselves merely on faith and that, if someone should take it into his head to doubt it, we would be incapable of setting before him any sufficient proof.” It is impossible to prove the existence of God, the immortality of the soul, or free will, but there is nothing offensive or disturbing in this either for philosophy or for human reason; all these will get along without proof and will content themselves with faith, with what Kant and everyone call faith. But when it is a question of the existence of objects outside ourselves, then faith does not suffice, then it is absolutely necessary to have proof. And yet, if one admits Kant’s point of departure, the existence of objects outside ourselves is hardly in a more enviable situation, as far as proof is concerned, than God, the immortality of the soul, or free will. At best, the existence of objects outside ourselves can be postulated or be an object of faith. But it is this that Kant cannot endure, just as Leibniz could not endure Descartes’ mountain without a valley. And Kant, not having at his disposal any convincing demonstration, just like Leibniz, did not recoil before the use of an argumentum ad hominem, before indignation: if we do not succeed in knowing that things exist outside ourselves, then philosophy and reason are forever covered with shame; it is a “scandal!…”

Why did Leibniz so passionately defend his eternal truths, and why was be so horrified at the idea of subordinating them to the Creator? Why did Kant take to heart the fate of objects outside ourselves, while the fate of God, of the soul and of freedom left him untouched? Is it not just the opposite which should have happened? The “scandal” of philosophy, one would think, consists in the impossibility of proving the existence of God. One would also think that the dependence of God on the truths would poison man’s mind and fill it with horror. So one would think; but in reality it was the contrary of this that occurred. Reason, which aspires eagerly to necessity and universality, has obtained all that it wished and the greatest representatives of modern philosophy have expelled everything which could irritate reason to the region of the “supra-sensible” from which no echo comes to us and where being is confounded with non-being in a dull and dreary indifference.

Even before The Critique of Pure Reason Kant wrote to Marcus Herz that “in the determination of the origin and validity of our knowledge the deus ex machina is the greatest absurdity that one could choose.” Then, as if he were translating Leibniz’s objections to Descartes, “To say that a supreme being has wisely introduced into us such ideas and principles (i.e., the eternal truths) is completely to destroy all philosophy.” It is on this that all of the critical philosophy, just like the pre-critical philosophy, is built. Reason does not tolerate the idea of what Kant calls a deus ex machina or “a supreme being”; this idea marks the end of all philosophy for reason. Kant could not forgive Leibniz for his modest “pre-established harmony” because it conceals a deus ex machina. For once one accepts the existence of a deus ex machina – this is to say, a God who, even though from afar and only from time to time, intervenes in the affairs of the world – reason would be obliged to renounce forever the idea that what is is necessarily just as it is, or, to use Spinoza’s language, that “things could not have been produced by God in any other way or order than that in which they were produced.”

Kant (in this, also, agreeing with Leibniz) was very unhappy when he was compared with Spinoza. He, like Leibniz, wanted people to consider him (and they did indeed consider him) a Christian philosopher. But for all his piety, he could not accept the idea that God can and must be placed above the truths, that God can be sought and found in our world. Why was this idea unacceptable to him ? And why, when he spoke of the “dogmatic slumber” from which his “critiques” had permitted him to escape, did it not occur to him to ask whether the certitude with which he affirmed the autonomy of the truth, as well as his hatred for “experience,” did not flow from the “dogma” of the sovereignty of reason, a dogma devoid of all foundation and one which is an indication not of slumber but of profound sleep, or even – perhaps – the death of the human spirit? It is a terrible thing to fall into the hands of the living God. But to submit to impersonal Necessity which (no one knows how) has been introduced into being – this is not at all terrible, this calms and even rejoices! But then, why did Kant need to distinguish himself from Leibniz, and why did both Kant and Leibniz need to distinguish themselves from Spinoza? And why, I ask once more, do the historians of philosophy – one might almost say, does the history of philosophy – continue up to our own day to guard so carefully that boundary which Kant drew between himself and his immediate predecessors, between his philosophy, on the one hand, and the medieval and ancient philosophy, on the other hand? His “critiques,” in fact, have not at all shaken the foundations on which the investigative thought of European man has rested. After Kant, as before Kant, the eternal truths continue to shine above our heads like fixed stars; and it is through these that weak mortals, thrown into the infinity of time and space, always orient themselves. Their immutability confers upon them the power of constraint, and also – if Leibniz is to be believed – the power of persuading, of seducing, of attracting us to themselves, no matter what they bring us or what they demand of us, while the truths of experience, whatever they may bring, always irritate us, just as does the “supreme being” (that is to say, deus ex machina) even when he wisely introduces into us eternal truths concerning what exists and what does not exist.

The critical philosophy did not overthrow the fundamental ideas of Spinoza; on the contrary, it accepted and assimilated them. The Ethics and the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus remain alive, though implicitly, in the thought of German idealism quite as much as in the thought of Leibniz: the Necessity which determines the structure and order of being, the ordo et connexio rerum, does not constrain us but persuades us, draws us along, seduces us, rejoices us, and bestows upon us that final contentment and that peace of soul which at all times have been considered in philosophy as the supreme good. “Contentment with one’s self can spring from reason, and that contentment which springs from reason is the highest possible.” Men have imagined, it is true – and certain philosophers have even supported them in this – that man constitutes in nature a kind of state within a state. “After men have persuaded themselves that everything that happens happens for their sakes, they must consider as most important in everything that which is for them most useful, and they must value most that by which they would be best affected.” Consequently, flent, ridunt, contemnunt vel quod plerumque fit, detestantur (they weep, laugh, scorn or – what happens most of the time – curse). It is in this, according to Spinoza, that there lies the fundamental error of man – one could almost say man’s original sin, if Spinoza himself had not so carefully avoided all that could recall the Bible even if only externally.

The first great law of thought which abolishes the biblical interdiction against the fruits of the tree of knowledge is non ridere, non lugere, neque detestari, sed intelligere (not to laugh, not to lament, not to curse, but to understand). Everything is then transformed before our eyes. In contemplating life “under the aspect of eternity or necessity,” we accept whatever we encounter on our road with the same tranquillity and the same feeling of good will. “Even if these things are inconvenient, they are nevertheless necessary and have determinate causes through which we seek to understand their nature, and the mind rejoices just as much over their true contemplation as over the knowledge of those things that are pleasing to the senses.”

In contemplating the necessity of everything that happens in the universe, our mind experiences the highest joy. How does this differ from the statement of Kant, who says that our reason aspires eagerly to universal and necessary judgements? Or from Leibniz’s affirmation that the truths not only constrain but persuade? Or even from the famous Hegelian formula, “All that is real is rational?” And is it not evident that for Leibniz, Kant and Hegel – quite as much as for Spinoza – the pretensions that man makes of occupying a special, privileged place in nature are ungrounded and absolutely unjustified, unless recourse is had to a “supreme being” who does not exist and has never existed? It is only when we forget all “supreme beings” and repress, or rather tear out of our soul, all the ridere, lugere, et detestari, as well as the absurd flere which flows from them and which comes to the ears of no one – it is only when we recognise that our destiny and the very meaning of our existence consist in the pure intelligere, that the true philosophy will be born.

Neither in Leibniz nor in Kant do we find, to be sure, the equivalent of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus which established what is now called “biblical criticism,” but this does not mean that they had taken any less care than Spinoza to protect themselves from the biblical contamination. If everything that Kant said about Schwärmerei and Aberglauben (fanaticism and superstition) or that Leibniz wrote on the same subject were brought together, one would completely recover the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. And conversely, all the effort of the Tractatus is bent to ridding our spiritual treasury of the ideas which Scripture had introduced there and which nothing justifies.

The non ridere, non lugere, neque detestari, sed intelligere of Spinoza, who abrogated the ban placed by the Bible on the fruit of the tree of knowledge, constitutes at the same time a reasonable reply to the De profundis ad te, Domine, clamavi (out of the depths I cried unto Thee, O God) of the Psalmist. The Psalmist could cry to God, but the man qui sola ratione ducitur (who is led by reason alone) knows well that it is absolutely useless to cry to God from the depths. If you have fallen into an abyss, try to get out of it as best you can, but forget what the Bible has told us throughout the centuries – that there is somewhere, “in heaven,” a supreme and omnipotent being who is interested in your fate, who can help you, and who is ready to do so. Your fate depends entirely on the conditions in which chance has placed you. It is possible, in some measure, to adapt yourself to these conditions. You may, for example, prolong your earthly existence by working to earn your bread or by taking it away from others. But it is a question only of prolongation, for it is not given anyone to escape death. An ineluctable eternal truth says: “Everything that has a beginning has also an end.” The man of the Bible was unwilling to accept this truth; it did not succeed in “persuading” him. But this shows only that he did not allow himself to be led “by reason alone,” that he was deeply bogged down in Schwärmerei and Aberglauben. The man who has been enlightened – a Spinoza, a Leibniz, a Kant – thinks quite otherwise. The eternal truths do not simply constrain him; they persuade him, they inspire him, they give him wings. Sub specie aeternitatis vel necessitatis – how solemnly these words resound in Spinoza’s mouth! And his amor erga rem aeternam (love for the eternal) – does not one feel ready to sacrifice for this the entire universe, created (if one may believe the doubtful, or rather, quite frankly, false teachings of this same Bible) by God for man? And then there is Spinoza’s “we feel and experience that we are eternal,” and the statement which crowns his Ethics: “Happiness is not the reward of virtue but virtue itself.” Are these words not worth our abandoning all the passing and changing goods which life promises us?

We touch here precisely upon that which deeply distinguishes the biblical philosophy, the biblical thought – or, better, the mode of biblical thought – from the speculative thought that the vast majority of the great philosophers of historic humanity represent and express. The ridere, lugere, and detestari along with the accompanying flere that are rejected by Spinoza, the most audacious and sincere of these philosophers, constitute that dimension of thought which no longer exists, or more accurately, which has been completely atrophied in the man “who is led by reason alone.” One could express this still more strongly: the prerequisite of rational thought consists in our willingness to reject all the possibilities that are bound up with ridere, lugere, et detestari and especially with flere. The biblical words “And God saw that it was very good” seem to us the product of a fantastic imagination, as does the God who reveals Himself to the prophet on Mount Sinai. We, enlightened men, put all our trust in autonomous ethics; its praises are our salvation, its reproofs our eternal damnation. “Beyond” the truths which constrain, “beyond” good and evil, all interests of the mind come, in our opinion, to an end. In the world ruled by “Necessity” the fate of man and the only goal of every reasonable being consist in the performance of duty: autonomous ethics crowns the autonomous laws of being.

The fundamental opposition of biblical philosophy to speculative philosophy shows itself in particularly striking fashion when we set Socrates’ words, “The greatest good of man is to discourse daily about virtue” (or Spinoza’s gaudere vera contemplatione – “to rejoice in true contemplation”) opposite St. Paul’s words, “Whatsoever is not of faith is sin.” The precondition of Socrates’ “greatest good,” or of Spinoza’s “true contemplation,” is the willingness of the man “who knows” to renounce God’s “blessing” by virtue of which the world and everything that is in the world were destined for man’s use. The ancients already had seen the “eternal truth” that man is only one of the links of the chain, without beginning or end, of phenomena; and this eternal truth – constraining, of course, and coming from the outside – in antiquity already had at its disposal the power of constraining the philosophical intelligence and also of seducing it, or, as Leibniz puts it, persuading it. And it is here that there arises the essential philosophical question, which unfortunately did not attract the attention of philosophers – neither of Leibniz nor of all those who, before or after him, considered implicite or explicite that the eternal truths not only constrain but also persuade. It is the question of knowing what is essential in our relationship to the truths: is it the fact that they constrain or the fact that they persuade? To put the matter in another way: if the truth which constrains does not succeed in persuading us, does it thereby lose its status as truth? Is it not enough for the truth to have the power of constraining? As Aristotle says of Parmenides and the other great philosophers of antiquity, they are “constrained by the truth itself.” (hyp’ autês alêtheâs anankazomenoi) It is true that he adds, with a sigh, tên anankên ametapeiston ti einai, “Necessity does not allow itself to be persuaded,” as if he were replying in advance to Leibniz, who said that the truth does more than constrain, that it persuades. But Aristotle ended by repressing his involuntary sigh and began to glorify the constraining truth, as if it were not content to constrain but also persuaded.

In modern philosophy, such expressions as Leibniz’s “persuasion” or Spinoza’s vera contemplatione gaudere constitute, in a way, a substitute for the flere and for the biblical “God blessed,” a substitute smuggled into the domain of objective thought which seemed to have been so carefully and once for all cleansed of all the Schwärmerei and Aberglauben to be found in the neighbourhood of Scripture and its revelations.

But this was not enough for philosophy, or, more precisely, for the philosophers; they wished, and still wish, to think, and they try by all means to suggest to others, to make them think, that their truths possess the gift of persuading all men without exception and not only themselves who have uttered them. Reason recognises as true only these truths. They are the truths that it seeks. It is these alone that it calls “knowledge.” If someone had proposed to Spinoza, Leibniz or Kant that they limit their pretensions, in the sense of recognising that the truths are true only for those whom they persuade and cease to be truths for those whom they do not succeed in persuading, would the truths of Leibniz, Spinoza and Kant have retained their earlier charm in the eyes of these philosophers? Would they have continued to call them truths?

Here is a concrete example (the fundamental opposition between Hellenistic and biblical thought bursts forth fully only in concrete examples): The Psalmist cries to the Lord out of the depths of his human nothingness, and all his thought is oriented – just as the truths that he obtains are determined – not by what is “given,” by what “is,” by what one can “see” be it even by means of the eyes of the mind (oculi mentis), but by something quite different – something to which what is given, what is, remains, despite its self evidence, subordinate. Thus, the immediate deliverances of consciousness do not circumscribe the goal of the Psalmist’s searchings; the facts, the given, experience – these do not constitute for him the final criterion which serves to distinguish truth from falsehood. A fact is for him something which rose one day, which had a beginning, and consequently may, if not must, have an end. We know from history that almost twenty-five hundred years ago Socrates was poisoned in Athens. “The man who is led by reason alone” must bow down before this “fact,” which not only constrains but also persuades him; he will feel calm only when reason will have guaranteed that no force in the world could destroy this fact, i.e., when he will have perceived in it the element of eternity or necessity. It seems to him that by succeeding in transforming even that which happened only once into an eternal truth, he acquires knowledge, the true knowledge which concerns not what begins and ends, what changes and passes, but what is forever immutable. Thus he elevates himself to the understanding of the universe sub specie aeternitatis vel necessitatis. He attains, with a flap of his wings, the regions where truth lives. And what this truth brings with it is then altogether indifferent to him, whether it be the poisoning of the wisest of men or the destruction of a mad dog. The important thing is that he obtain the possibility of contemplating eternal, immutable, unshakable truth. The mind rejoices over the eternity of truth; as for its content, to this it remains quite indifferent. Amor erga rem aeternam fills the human soul with happiness, and the contemplation of the eternity and necessity of everything that happens is the greatest good to which man can aspire.

If someone had taken it into his head to tell Spinoza, Leibniz, or Kant that the truth “Socrates was poisoned” exists only for a definite term and that sooner or later we shall obtain the right to say that no one ever poisoned Socrates, that this truth, like all truths, is in the power of a supreme being who, in answer to our cries, can annul it – Spinoza, Leibniz and Kant would have considered these words a sacrilegious attack on the sacred rights of reason, and they would have been indignant, just as Leibniz was when he recalled Descartes’ mountain without a valley. The fact that on earth righteous men are poisoned like mad dogs does not at all trouble the philosophers, for they believe it in no way threatens philosophy. But to admit that a “supreme being” can rid us of the nightmare of the eternal truth “Socrates was poisoned” – this would appear to them not only absurd but revolting. This would not satisfy or persuade them but, on the contrary, irritate them to the last degree. 0f course, they would have preferred that Socrates had not been poisoned but, since he was poisoned, it is necessary to submit and to be content with thinking up some theodicy; this, even if it does not make us completely forget the horrors which fill human existence, will perhaps succeed in somewhat weakening their impression. To be sure a theodicy – Leibniz’s or anyone else’s – must rely on some eternal truth which, in the final analysis, reduces itself to Spinoza’s sub specie aeternitatis vel necessitatis. It will be said that everything that is created cannot be perfect by reason of the very fact that it was created and that, consequently, the world that was created can only be the “best of all possible worlds”; we must then expect to find in it many bad things, even very bad things.

Why should creation not be perfect? Who suggested this idea to Leibniz, who imposed it on him? To this question we will not find any answer in Leibniz, just as we will not find in any philosopher an answer to the question how a truth of fact is transformed into an eternal truth. In this respect, the enlightened philosophy of modern times is hardly to be distinguished from the philosophy of the “benighted” Middle Ages. The eternal truths constrain and persuade all thinking beings equally. When in the Middle Ages the voice of Peter Damian rang out, proclaiming that God could bring it about that that which had been had not been, it seemed like the voice of one crying in the wilderness. No one, neither of our time nor even of the Middle Ages, dared to admit that the biblical “very good” corresponded to reality, that the world created by God had no defect. Even more: it may be said that medieval philosophy, and even the philosophy of the Church Fathers, was the philosophy of people who, having assimilated Greek culture, thought and wished to think sub specie aeternitatis vel necessitatis. When Spinoza says, in ecstasy, “the love for the eternal and infinite feeds the mind with joy alone, and this itself is free from every sorrow, which is greatly to be wished and striven after with every power,” he is only summing up the teaching of the philosophers of the Middle Ages who had passed through the severe school of the great Greek thinkers. The only difference is that Spinoza, in order to trace the way which would lead him to res aeterna et infinita, believed that it was his duty as a thinker to sharply separate himself from Scripture, while the scholastics made superhuman efforts to save for the Bible the authority which belonged to it as a divinely inspired book.

But the more men occupied themselves with the authority of the Bible, the less they took account of the content of the sacred book; for, indeed, authority demands finally nothing but respect and veneration. Medieval philosophy never stopped repeating that philosophy is only the handmaid of theology and always referred to biblical texts in its reasonings. And yet as competent a historian as Gilson is obliged to recognise that the medieval philosopher, when he read Scripture, could not fail to recall Aristotle’s words about Homer, “The poets lie a great deal.” Gilson also cites the words of Duns Scotus: “I believe, Lord, what your great prophet has said, but if it be possible, make me under-stand it.” So the doctor subtilis, one of the greatest thinkers of the Middle Ages, speaks. When he hears the words, “Rise, take up your bed and go,” he replies, “Give me my crutches that I may have something upon which to lean.” And yet Duns Scotus surely knew the words of the Apostle, “Whatsoever is not of faith is sin,” as well as the biblical account of the fall of the first man, who renounced faith in order to attain knowledge. But, just as later on in the case of Kant, there never occurred to him the thought of seeking in the biblical legend the “critique of reason,” the critique of the knowledge which pure reason brings to man. Is it possible that knowledge leads to the biblical “you shall die” while faith leads to the tree of life? Who will dare admit such a “critique?” The truth that knowledge is above faith, or that faith is only an imperfect kind of knowledge – is not this an “eternal truth,” a truth to which Leibniz’s words, “it not only constrains but also persuades,” could be applied par excellence? This truth had already seduced the first man, and ever since, as Hegel very rightly says, the fruits of the tree of knowledge have become the source of philosophy for all time. The constraining truths of knowledge subdue and persuade men, while the free truth of revelation, which has not and does not seek any “sufficient reason,” irritates men, just as experience irritates them. The faith which, according to Scripture, leads us to salvation and delivers us from sin introduces us, in our view, into the domain of the purely arbitrary, where human thought no longer has any possibility of orienting itself and where it cannot lean upon anything.

And even if the biblical “critique” of reason is right, even if knowledge, by introducing itself into being, leads inevitably to all the horrors of existence and to death – even then, the man who has once tasted the forbidden fruits will never consent to forget them and will not even have the power to do so. Such is the origin of Spinoza’s rule: non ridere, non lugere, neque detestari, sed intelligere. To “understand” we must turn away from all the things to which our joys, our sadnesses, our hopes, our anxieties, and so on are bound. We must renounce the world and that which is in the world. “Constrained by the truth itself,” Spinoza, following the example of antiquity and of the Middle Ages, turns away from the world created by God; everything that exists in the world is reduced for him to “wealth, honours and sensuality.” Everything that exists in the world passes away, is condemned to disappear. Is it worth the trouble to hold on to such a world? Were not the ancient and medieval philosophers, who preferred the ideal world created by human reason to the world created by God and who saw in the former the “greatest good” of man, right? Amor erga rem aeternam is the only thing that can be called “very good,” that is, capable of justifying being in the eyes of man.

There is then, on the one side, Socrates with his “knowledge” who has withdrawn into his ideal world and, on the other side, the biblical legend of the fall of the first man and the Apostle who interprets this legend by declaring that “whatsoever is not of faith is sin.” The task which I have set for myself in this book, Athens and Jerusalem, consists in putting to proof the pretensions to the possession of truth which human reason or speculative philosophy make. Knowledge is not here recognised as the supreme goal of man. Knowledge does not justify being; on the contrary, it is from being that it must obtain its justification. Man wishes to think in the categories in which he lives, and not to live in the categories in which he has become accustomed to think: the tree of knowledge no longer chokes the tree of life.

In the first part, “Parmenides in Chains” (Parmenidês desmôtês), I try to show that, in pursuing knowledge, the great philosophers lost the most precious of the Creator’s gifts – freedom; Parmenides was not a free man but one enchained. The second part, the most difficult, “In the Bull of Phalaris,” reveals the indestructible bond between knowledge, as philosophy understands it, and the horrors of human existence. The immoralist Nietzsche glorifies unpitying cruelty and swears eternal fidelity to fate with all its ineluctabilities; and he rejoices and prides himself on the bargain of his submission to fate, forgetting his “beyond good and evil,” his “will to power,” and all that he had said about the fall of Socrates: the praises and threats of morality have seduced him also. In Kierkegaard mild Christianity loses its mildness and is impregnated with a ferocity which transforms it by ancient destiny – away from the moment where the “fact” has obtained the sovereign right of determining both the will of man and of the Creator. In the third part, “Concupiscentia Invincibilis,” the fruitless efforts of the Middle Ages to reconcile the revealed truth of the Bible with the Hellenistic truth are dealt with. The fourth part, “On the Second Dimension of Thought,” begins by assuming that the truths of reason perhaps constrain us but are far from always persuading us and that, consequently, the ridere, lugere, et detestari and the flere which flows from them not only do not find their solution in the intelligere but, when they attain a certain tension, enter into a struggle against the intelligere – a terrible, desperate struggle – and sometimes overthrow and destroy it. Philosophy is not a curious looking around, not Besinnung, but a great struggle.

A similar purpose underlies all four parts of the book: to throw off the power of the soulless and entirely indifferent truths into which the fruits of the tree of knowledge have been transformed. The “universality and necessity” to which the philosophers have always aspired so eagerly and with which they have always been so delighted awaken in us the greatest suspicion; in them the threatening “you will die” of the biblical critique of reason is transparent. The fear of the fantastic no longer holds us in its power. And the “supreme being,” transformed by speculation into a deus ex machina, no longer signifies for us the end of philosophy but rather that which alone can give meaning and content to human existence and consequently lead to the true philosophy. To speak as did Pascal: the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob, and not the God of the philosophers. The God of the philosophers, whether he be a material or ideal principle, carries with him the triumph of constraint, of brutal force. That is why speculation has always so obstinately defended the universality and necessity of its truths. The truth spares no one, no one can escape it; it is this, this alone, that has enticed the philosophers. Leibniz’s “persuasion” was only a hypocritical mask behind which the longed-for “constraint” hid itself. It is said in Scripture, “You shall receive according to your faith.” Would Leibniz or any other philosopher have ever had the audacity to say, “You shall receive according to your truth”? Athens could not bear such a truth. It does not constrain, it does not constrain at all; it will never obtain ethical approval. How could human reason be enticed by it?

But Jerusalem holds only to this truth. The constraining truths, and even the truths which seek the approbation and fear the reprobation of autonomous ethics – those eternal truths which, according to Leibniz, were introduced into the mind of God without asking His permission – not only do not persuade Jerusalem but are, on the contrary, the abomination of desolation. Within the “limits of reason” one can create a science, a sublime ethic, and even a religion; but to find God one must tear oneself away from the seductions of reason with all its physical and moral constraints, and go to another source of truth. In Scripture this source bears the enigmatic name “faith,” which is that dimension of thought where truth abandons itself fearlessly and joyously to the entire disposition of the Creator: “Thy will be done!” The will of Him who, on his side, fearlessly and with sovereign power returns to the believer his lost power: . . . “what things soever ye desire . . . ye shall have them.”

It is here that there begins for fallen man the region, forever condemned by reason, of the miraculous and of the fantastic. And, indeed, are not the prophecy of the 53rd chapter of Isaiah, “the Lord hath laid upon him the iniquity of us all,” and what the New Testament tells of the fulfilment of this prophecy, fantastic? With a sublime daring and unheard power Luther says of this in his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians: “All the prophets saw this in the spirit: that Christ would be the greatest robber, thief, defiler of the Temple, murderer, adulterer, etc. – such that no greater will ever be in the world.” The same thought was expressed by Luther in a still plainer, more naked, and truly biblical fashion in another passage of the same commentary: “God sent his only begotten son into the world and laid upon him all the sins of all men, saying: ‘Be thou Peter, that denier; Paul, that persecutor, blasphemer and doer of violence; David, that adulterer; that sinner who ate the apple in paradise; that thief on the cross – in sum, be thou the person who committed the sins of all men.’ ”

Can we “understand,” can we grasp, what the prophets and the apostles announce in Scripture? Will Athens ever consent to allow such “truths” to come into the world? The history of humanity – or, more precisely, all the horrors of the history of humanity – is, by one word of the Almighty, “annulled”; it ceases to exist, and becomes transformed into phantoms or mirages: Peter did not deny; David cut off Goliath’s head but was not an adulterer; the robber did not kill; Adam did not taste the forbidden fruit; Socrates was never poisoned by anyone. The “fact,” the “given”, the “real,” do not dominate us; they do not determine our fate, either in the present, in the future or in the past. What has been becomes what has not been; man returns to the state of innocence and finds that divine freedom, that freedom for good, in contrast with which the freedom that we have to choose between good and evil is extinguished and disappears, or more exactly, in contrast with which our freedom reveals itself to be a pitiful and shameful enslavement. The original sin – that is to say, the knowledge that what is is necessarily – is radically uprooted and torn out of existence. Faith, only the faith that looks to the Creator and that He inspires, radiates from itself the supreme and decisive truths condemning what is and what is not. Reality is transfigured. The heavens glorify the Lord. The prophets and apostles cry in ecstasy, “O death, where is thy sting? Hell, where is thy victory?” And all announce: “Eye hath not seen, non ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love Him.”

The power of the biblical revelation – what there is in it of the incomparably miraculous and, at the same time, of the absurdly paradoxical, or, to put it better, its monstrous absurdity – carries us beyond the limits of all human comprehension and of the possibilities which that comprehension admits. For God, however, the impossible does not exist. God – to speak the language of Kierkegaard, which is that of the Bible – God: this means that there is nothing that is impossible. And despite the Spinozist interdictions, fallen man aspires, in the final analysis, only to the promised “nothing will be impossible for you”; only for this does he implore the Creator. It is here that religious philosophy takes its rise. Religious philosophy is not a search for the eternal structure and order of immutable being; it is not reflection (Besinnung); it is not an understanding of the difference between good and evil, an understanding that falsely promises peace to exhausted humanity. Religious philosophy is a turning away from knowledge and a surmounting by faith, in a boundless tension of all its forces, of the false fear of the unlimited will of the Creator, that fear which the tempter suggested to Adam and which he has transmitted to all of us. To put it another way, religious philosophy is the final, supreme struggle to recover original freedom and the divine “very good” which is hidden in that freedom and which, after the fall, was split into our powerless good and our destructive evil. Reason, I repeat, has ruined faith in our eyes; it has “revealed” in it man’s illegitimate pretension to subordinate the truth to his desires, and it has taken away from us the most precious of heaven’s gifts – the sovereign right to participate in the divine “let there be” – by flattening out our thought and reducing it to the plane of the petrified “it is.”

This is why the “greatest good” of Socrates – engendered by the knowledge that what is is necessarily – no longer tempts or seduces us. It shows itself to be the fruit of the tree of knowledge or, to use the language of Luther, bellua qua non occisa homo non potest vivere (the monster without whose killing man cannot live). The old “ontic” critique of reason is re- established: homo non potest vivere, which is nothing but the “you will die” of the Bible, unmasks the eternal truths that have entered into the consciousness of the Creator, or rather of the creation, without asking leave. Human wisdom is foolishness before God, and the wisest of men, as Kierkegaard and Nietzsche, however unlike each other, both perceived, is the greatest of sinners. Whatsoever is not of faith is sin. As for the philosophy that does not dare to rise above autonomous knowledge and autonomous ethics, the philosophy that bows down will-lessly and helplessly before the material and ideal “data” discovered by reason and that permits them to pillage and plunder the “one thing necessary” – this philosophy does not lead man towards truth but forever turns him away from it.

Lev Shestov
Boulogne s. Seine
April, 1937

Index Librorum Prohibitorum

Remembrance plaque on the Marktplatz in Neustadt an der Weinstrasse, reading: Where they have burned books, they will end in burning human beings. (Heinrich Heine, 1820) In memory of the book burning by the National Socialists on May 14, 1933

Remembrance plaque on the Marktplatz in Neustadt an der Weinstrasse, reading: Where they have burned books, they will end in burning human beings. (Heinrich Heine, 1820) In memory of the book burning by the National Socialists on May 14, 1933


The Index Librorum Prohibitorum (“List of Prohibited Books”) was a list of publications deemed heretical or contrary to morality by the Sacred Congregation of the Index (a former Dicastery of the Roman Curia); Catholics were forbidden to read them.

There were attempts to ban heretical books before the sixteenth century, notably in the ninth-century Decretum Glasianum; the Index of Prohibited Books of 1560 banned thousands of book titles and blacklisted publications, including the works of Europe’s intellectual elites. The 20th and final edition of the Index appeared in 1948; the Index was formally abolished on 14 June 1966 by Pope Paul VI.

The Index condemned religious and secular texts alike, grading works by the degree to which they were seen to be repugnant to the church. The aim of the list was to protect church members from reading theologically, culturally, or politically disruptive books. Such books included works by astronomers, such as Johannes Kepler’s Epitome astronomiae Copernicanae (published in three volumes from 1618 to 1621), which was on the Index from 1621 to 1835; works by philosophers, such as Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason (1781); and editions and translations of the Bible that had not been approved. Editions of the Index also contained the rules of the Church relating to the reading, selling, and preemptive censorship of books.

The canon law of the Latin Church still recommends that works should be submitted to the judgment of the local ordinary if they concern sacred scripture, theology, canon law, or church history, religion or morals. The local ordinary consults someone whom he considers competent to give a judgment and, if that person gives the nihil obstat (“nothing forbids”), the local ordinary grants the imprimatur (“let it be printed”). Members of religious institutes require the imprimi potest (“it can be printed”) of their major superior to publish books on matters of religion or morals.

Some of the scientific theories contained in works in early editions of the Index have long been taught at Catholic universities. For example, the general prohibition of books advocating heliocentrism was removed from the Index in 1758, but two Franciscan mathematicians had published an edition of Isaac Newton’s Principia Mathematica (1687) in 1742, with commentaries and a preface stating that the work assumed heliocentrism and could not be explained without it. A work of the Italian Catholic priest and philosopher Antonio Rosmini-Serbati was on the Index, but he was beatified in 2007. Some have argued that the developments since the abolition of the Index signify “the loss of relevance of the Index in the 21st century.”

J. Martínez de Bujanda’s Index Librorum Prohibitorum, 1600–1966 lists the authors and writings in the successive editions of the Index, while Miguel Carvalho Abrantes’s Why Did The Inquisition Ban Certain Books?: A Case Study from Portugal tries to understand why certain books were forbidden based on a Portuguese edition of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum from 1581.

Emperor Constantine and the Council of Nicaea. The burning of Arian books. (Illustration from a compendium of canon law, ca. 825, MS. in the Capitular Library, Vercelli)

Emperor Constantine and the Council of Nicaea. The burning of Arian books. (Illustration from a compendium of canon law, ca. 825, MS. in the Capitular Library, Vercelli)

European Restrictions on the Right to Print

The historical context in which the Index appeared involved the early restrictions on printing in Europe. The refinement of moveable type and the printing press by Johannes Gutenberg circa 1440 changed the nature of book publishing, and the mechanism by which information could be disseminated to the public. Books, once rare and kept carefully in a small number of libraries, could be mass-produced and widely disseminated.

In the 16th century, both the churches and governments in most European countries attempted to regulate and control printing because it allowed for rapid and widespread circulation of ideas and information. The Protestant Reformation generated large quantities of polemical new writing by and within both the Catholic and Protestant camps, and religious subject-matter was typically the area most subject to control. While governments and church encouraged printing in many ways, which allowed the dissemination of Bibles and government information, works of dissent and criticism could also circulate rapidly. As a consequence, governments established controls over printers across Europe, requiring them to have official licenses to trade and produce books.

The early versions of the Index began to appear from 1529 to 1571. In the same time frame, in 1557 the English Crown aimed to stem the flow of dissent by chartering the Stationers’ Company. The right to print was restricted to the two universities (Oxford and Cambridge) and to the 21 existing printers in the city of London, which had between them 53 printing presses.

The French crown also tightly controlled printing, and the printer and writer Etienne Dolet was burned at the stake for atheism in 1546. The 1551 Edict of Châteaubriant comprehensively summarized censorship positions to date, and included provisions for unpacking and inspecting all books brought into France. The 1557 Edict of Compiègne applied the death penalty to heretics and resulted in the burning of a noblewoman at the stake. Printers were viewed as radical and rebellious, with 800 authors, printers and book dealers being incarcerated in the Bastille. At times, the prohibitions of church and state followed each other, e.g. René Descartes was placed on the Index in the 1660s and the French government prohibited the teaching of Cartesianism in schools in the 1670s.

The Copyright Act 1710 in Britain, and later copyright laws in France, eased this situation. Historian Eckhard Höffner claims that copyright laws and their restrictions acted as a barrier to progress in those countries for over a century, since British publishers could print valuable knowledge in limited quantities for the sake of profit. The German economy prospered in the same time frame since there were no restrictions.

Early Indices (1529–1571)

The first list of the kind was not published in Rome, but in Catholic Netherlands (1529); Venice (1543) and Paris (1551) under the terms of the Edict of Châteaubriant followed this example. By mid-century, in the tense atmosphere of wars of religion in Germany and France, both Protestant and Catholic authorities reasoned that only control of the press, including a catalog of prohibited works, coordinated by ecclesiastic and governmental authorities, could prevent the spread of heresy.

Paul F. Grendler (1975) discusses the religious and political climate in Venice from 1540 to 1605. There were many attempts to censor the Venetian press, which at that time was one of the largest concentrations of printers. Both church and government held to a belief in censorship, but the publishers continually pushed back on the efforts to ban books and shut down printing. More than once the index of banned books in Venice was suppressed or suspended because various people took a stand against it.

The first Roman Index was printed in 1557 under the direction of Pope Paul IV (1555–1559), but then withdrawn for unclear reasons. In 1559, a new index was finally published, banning the entire works of some 550 authors in addition to the individual proscribed titles: “The Pauline Index felt that the religious convictions of an author contaminated all his writing.” The work of the censors was considered too severe and met with much opposition even in Catholic intellectual circles; after the Council of Trent had authorized a revised list prepared under Pope Pius IV, the so-called Tridentine Index was promulgated in 1564; it remained the basis of all later lists until Pope Leo XIII, in 1897, published his Index Leonianus.

The blacklisting of some Protestant scholars even when writing on subjects a modern reader would consider outside the realm of dogma meant that, unless they obtained a dispensation, obedient Catholic thinkers were denied access to works including: botanist Conrad Gesner’s Historiae animalium; the botanical works of Otto Brunfels; those of the medical scholar Janus Cornarius; to Christoph Hegendorff or Johann Oldendorp on the theory of law; Protestant geographers and cosmographers like Jacob Ziegler or Sebastian Münster; as well as anything by Protestant theologians like Martin Luther, John Calvin or Philipp Melanchthon. Among the inclusions was the Libri Carolini, a theological work from the 9th-century court of Charlemagne, which was published in 1549 by Bishop Jean du Tillet and which had already been on two other lists of prohibited books before being inserted into the Tridentine Index.

Killing the Scholars and Burning the Books, anonymous 18th century Chinese painted album leaf; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

Killing the Scholars and Burning the Books, anonymous 18th century Chinese painted album leaf; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

Sacred Congregation of the Index (1571–1917)

In 1571, a special congregation was created, the Sacred Congregation of the Index, which had the specific task to investigate those writings that were denounced in Rome as being not exempt of errors, to update the list of Pope Pius IV regularly and also to make lists of required corrections in case a writing was not to be condemned absolutely but only in need of correction; it was then listed with a mitigating clause (e.g., donec corrigatur (forbidden until corrected) or donec expurgetur (forbidden until purged)).

Several times a year, the congregation held meetings. During the meetings, they reviewed various works and documented those discussions. In between the meetings was when the works to be discussed were thoroughly examined, and each work was scrutinized by two people. At the meetings, they collectively decided whether or not the works should be included in the Index. Ultimately, the pope was the one who had to approve of works being added or removed from the Index. It was the documentation from the meetings of the congregation that aided the pope in making his decision.

This sometimes resulted in very long lists of corrections, published in the Index Expurgatorius, which was cited by Thomas James in 1627 as “an invaluable reference work to be used by the curators of the Bodleian Library when listing those works particularly worthy of collecting”. Prohibitions made by other congregations (mostly the Holy Office) were simply passed on to the Congregation of the Index, where the final decrees were drafted and made public, after approval of the Pope (who always had the possibility to condemn an author personally—there are only a few examples of such condemnation, including those of Lamennais and Hermes).

An update to the Index was made by Pope Leo XIII, in the 1897 apostolic constitution Officiorum ac Munerum, known as the “Index Leonianus”. Subsequent editions of the Index were more sophisticated; they graded authors according to their supposed degree of toxicity, and they marked specific passages for expurgation rather than condemning entire books.

The Sacred Congregation of the Inquisition of the Roman Catholic Church later became the Holy Office, and since 1965 has been called the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. The Congregation of the Index was merged with the Holy Office in 1917, by the Motu Proprio “Alloquentes Proxime” of Pope Benedict XV; the rules on the reading of books were again re-elaborated in the new Codex Iuris Canonici. From 1917 onward, the Holy Office (again) took care of the Index.

Holy Office (1917–1966)

While individual books continued to be forbidden, the last edition of the Index to be published appeared in 1948. This 20th edition contained 4,000 titles censored for various reasons: heresy, moral deficiency, sexual explicitness, and so on. That some atheists, such as Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, were not included was due to the general (Tridentine) rule that heretical works (i.e., works that contradict Catholic dogma) are ipso facto forbidden. Some important works are absent simply because nobody bothered to denounce them. Many actions of the congregations were of a definite political content. Among the significant listed works of the period was the Nazi philosopher Alfred Rosenberg’s Myth of the Twentieth Century for scorning and rejecting “all dogmas of the Catholic Church, indeed the very fundamentals of the Christian religion”.

Abolition (1966)

On 7 December 1965, Pope Paul VI issued the Motu Proprio Integrae servandae that reorganized the Holy Office as the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. The Index was not listed as being a part of the newly constituted congregation’s competence, leading to questioning whether it still was. This question was put to Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani, pro-prefect of the congregation, who responded in the negative. The Cardinal also indicated in his response that there was going to be a change in the Index soon.

A June 1966 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith notification announced that, while the Index maintained its moral force, in that it taught Christians to beware, as required by the natural law itself, of those writings that could endanger faith and morality, it no longer had the force of ecclesiastical positive law with the associated penalties.

Pedro Berruguete: Saint Dominic and the Albigensians

Pedro Berruguete: Saint Dominic and the Albigensians. A dispute between Saint Dominic and the Cathars in which the books of both were thrown on a fire and St. Dominic’s books were miraculously preserved from the flames.

Censorship and Enforcement

The Index was not simply a reactive work. Roman Catholic authors had the opportunity to defend their writings and could prepare a new edition with necessary corrections or deletions, either to avoid or to limit a ban. Pre-publication censorship was encouraged.

The Index was enforceable within the Papal States, but elsewhere only if adopted by the civil powers, as happened in several Italian states. Other areas adopted their own lists of forbidden books. In the Holy Roman Empire book censorship, which preceded publication of the Index, came under control of the Jesuits at the end of the 16th century, but had little effect, since the German princes within the empire set up their own systems. In France it was French officials who decided what books were banned and the Church’s Index was not recognized. Spain had its own Index Librorum Prohibitorum et Expurgatorum, which corresponded largely to the Church’s, but also included a list of books that were allowed once the forbidden part (sometimes a single sentence) was removed or “expurgated”.

Continued Moral Obligation

On 14 June 1966, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith responded to inquiries it had received regarding the continued moral obligation concerning books that had been listed in the Index. The response spoke of the books as examples of books dangerous to faith and morals, all of which, not just those once included in the Index, should be avoided regardless of the absence of any written law against them. The Index, it said, retains its moral force “inasmuch as” (quatenus) it teaches the conscience of Christians to beware, as required by the natural law itself, of writings that can endanger faith and morals, but it (the Index of Forbidden Books) no longer has the force of ecclesiastical law with the associated censures.

The congregation thus placed on the conscience of the individual Christian the responsibility to avoid all writings dangerous to faith and morals, while at the same time abolishing the previously existing ecclesiastical law and the relative censures, without thereby declaring that the books that had once been listed in the various editions of the Index of Prohibited Books had become free of error and danger.

In a letter of 31 January 1985 to Cardinal Giuseppe Siri, regarding the book The Poem of the Man-God, Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger (then Prefect of the Congregation, who later became Pope Benedict XVI), referred to the 1966 notification of the Congregation as follows: “After the dissolution of the Index, when some people thought the printing and distribution of the work was permitted, people were reminded again in L’Osservatore Romano (15 June 1966) that, as was published in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis (1966), the Index retains its moral force despite its dissolution. A decision against distributing and recommending a work, which has not been condemned lightly, may be reversed, but only after profound changes that neutralize the harm which such a publication could bring forth among the ordinary faithful.”

Changing Judgments

The content of the Index Librorum Prohibitorum saw deletions as well as additions over the centuries. Writings by Antonio Rosmini-Serbati were placed on the Index in 1849 but were removed by 1855, and Pope John Paul II mentioned Rosmini’s work as a significant example of “a process of philosophical enquiry which was enriched by engaging the data of faith”. The 1758 edition of the Index removed the general prohibition of works advocating heliocentrism as a fact rather than a hypothesis.

Listed Works and Authors

Noteworthy figures on the Index include Simone de Beauvoir, Nicolas Malebranche, Jean-Paul Sartre, Michel de Montaigne, Voltaire, Denis Diderot, Victor Hugo, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, André Gide, Nikos Kazantzakis, Emanuel Swedenborg, Baruch Spinoza, Desiderius Erasmus, Immanuel Kant, David Hume, René Descartes, Francis Bacon, Thomas Browne, John Milton, John Locke, Nicolaus Copernicus, Galileo Galilei, Blaise Pascal, and Hugo Grotius. The first woman to be placed on the list was Magdalena Haymairus in 1569, who was listed for her children’s book Die sontegliche Episteln über das gantze Jar in gesangsweis gestellt (Sunday Epistles on the whole Year, put into hymns). Other women include Anne Askew, Olympia Fulvia Morata, Ursula of Munsterberg (1491–1534), Veronica Franco, and Paola Antonia Negri (1508–1555). Contrary to a popular misconception, Charles Darwin’s works were never included.

In many cases, an author’s opera omnia (complete works) were forbidden. However, the Index stated that the prohibition of someone’s opera omnia did not preclude works that were not concerned with religion and were not forbidden by the general rules of the Index. This explanation was omitted in the 1929 edition, which was officially interpreted in 1940 as meaning that opera omnia covered all the author’s works without exception.

Cardinal Ottaviani stated in April 1966 that there was too much contemporary literature, and the Sacred Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith could not keep up with it.

A member of the SA throws confiscated books into the bonfire during the public burning of "un-German" books on the Opernplatz in Berlin. In 1933, Nazis burned works of Jewish authors, and other works considered "un-German", at the library of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin.

A member of the SA throws confiscated books into the bonfire during the public burning of “un-German” books on the Opernplatz in Berlin. In 1933, Nazis burned works of Jewish authors, and other works considered “un-German”, at the library of the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft in Berlin.


Wikipedia – Index Librorum Prohibitorum

List of Book-Burning Incidents

Book Burning

Internet Archive: Digital Library

Open Library

Project Gutenberg

The Jefferson Bible: The Life and Morals of Jesus of Nazareth

In a letter to his daughter, written in 1803, Thomas Jefferson said: “A promise made to a friend some years ago, but executed only lately, has placed my religious creed on paper. I have thought it just that my family, by possessing this, should be enabled to estimate the libels published against me on this, as on every other possible subject.” The “religious creed” to which he referred was a comparison of the doctrines of Jesus with those of others, prepared in fulfillment of a promise made to Dr. Benjamin Rush. This paper, with the letter to Dr. Rush which accompanied it, is a fit introduction to the “Jefferson Bible.”

Washington, April 21, 1803:

Dear Sir: In some of the delightful conversations with you, in the evenings of 1798-99, and which served as an anodyne to the afflictions of the crisis through which our country was then laboring, the Christian religion was sometimes our topic; and I then promised you that one day or other, I would give you my views of it. They are the result of a life of inquiry and reflection, and very different from that Anti-Christian system imputed to me by those who know nothing of my opinions. To the corruptions of Christianity I am indeed opposed; but not to the genuine precepts of Jesus himself. I am a Christian in the only sense in which he wished any one to be; sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference to all others; ascribing to himself every human excellence, and believing he never claimed any other.

At the short intervals since these conversations, when I could justifiably abstract my mind from public affairs, this subject has been under my contemplation; but the more I considered it, the more it expanded beyond the measure of either my time or information. In the moment of my late departure from Monticello, I received from Dr. Priestly his little treatise of “Socrates and Jesus Compared.” This being a section of the general view I had taken of the field, it became a subject of reflection while on the road, and unoccupied otherwise. The result was to arrange in my mind a syllabus, or outline, of such an estimate of the comparative merits of Christianity, as I wished to see executed by some one of more leisure and information for the task than myself. This I now send you, as the only discharge of my promise I can probably ever execute. And in confiding it to you, I know it will not be exposed to the malignant perversions of those who make every word from me a text for new misrepresentations and calumnies.

I am moreover averse to the communication of my religious tenets to the public; because it would countenance the presumption of those who have endeavored to draw them before that tribunal, and to seduce public opinion to erect itself into that inquisition over the rights of conscience which the laws have so justly proscribed. It behooves every man who values liberty of conscience for himself to resist invasions of it in the case of others, or their case may, by change of circumstances, become his own. It behooves him, too, in his own case, to give no example of concession, betraying the right of independent opinion by answering questions of faith, which the laws have left between God and himself.

Accept my affectionate salutations.

Syllabus of an Estimate of the Doctrines of Jesus, Compared with Those of Others

In a comparative view of the ethics of the enlightened nations of antiquity, of the Jews, and of Jesus, no notice should be taken of the corruptions of reason among the ancients, to wit, the idolatry and superstition of the vulgar, nor of the corruptions of Christianity by the learned among its professors. Let a just view be taken of the moral principles inculcated by the most esteemed of the sects of ancient philosophy, or of their individuals; particularly Pythagoras, Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, Epictetus, Seneca, Antoninus.

I. PHILOSOPHERS

  1. Their precepts related chiefly to ourselves, and the government of those passions which, unrestrained, would disturb our tranquility of mind. In this branch of philosophy they were really great.
  2. In developing our duties to others, they were short and defective. They embraced indeed the circles of kindred and friends, and inculcated patriotism, or the love of country in the aggregate, as a primary obligation: towards our neighbors and countrymen they taught justice, but scarcely viewed them as within the circle of benevolence. Still less have they inculcated peace, charity, and love to our fellow-men, or embraced with benevolence the whole family of mankind.

II. JEWS

  1. Their system was Deism, that is, the belief in one only God; but their ideas of him and of his attributes were degrading and injurious.
  2. Their ethics were not only imperfect, but often irreconcilable with the sound dictates of reason and morality, as they respect intercourse with those around us; and repulsive and anti-social as respecting other nations. They needed reformation, therefore, in an eminent degree.

III. JESUS

In this state of things among the Jews, Jesus appeared. His parentage was obscure; his condition poor; his education null; his natural endowments great; his life correct and innocent. He was meek, benevolent, patient, firm, disinterested, and of the sublimest eloquence. The disadvantages under which his doctrines appear are remarkable.

  1. Like Socrates and Epictetus, he wrote nothing himself.
  2. But he had not, like them, a Xenophon or an Arrian to write for him. I name not Plato, who only used the name of Socrates to cover the whimsies of his own brain. On the contrary, all the learned of his country, entrenched in its power and riches, were opposed to him, lest his labors should undermine their advantages; and the committing to writing of his life and doctrines fell on unlettered and ignorant men; who wrote, too, from memory, and not till long after the transactions had passed.
  3. According to the ordinary fate of those who attempt to enlighten and reform mankind, he fell an early victim to the jealousy and combination of the altar and the throne, at about 33 years of age, his reason having not yet attained the maximum of its energy, nor the course of his preaching, which was but of three years at most, presented occasions for developing a complete system of morals.
  4. Hence the doctrines which he really delivered were defective, as a whole, and fragments only of what he did deliver have come to us mutilated, misstated, and often unintelligible.
  5. They have been still more disfigured by the corruptions of schismatizing followers, who have found an interest in sophisticating and perverting the simple doctrines he taught, by engrafting on them the mysticisms of a Grecian Sophist (Plato), frittering them into subtilties and obscuring them with jargon, until they have caused good men to reject the whole in disgust, and to view Jesus himself as an impostor.

Notwithstanding these disadvantages, a system of morals is presented to us which, if filled up in the true style and spirit of the rich fragments he left us, would be the most perfect and sublime that has ever been taught by man. The question of his being a member of the Godhead, or in direct communication with it, claimed for him by some of his followers, and denied by others, is foreign to the present view, which is merely an estimate of the intrinsic merits of his doctrines.

  1. He corrected the Deism of the Jews, confirming them in their belief of one only god, and giving them juster notions of his attributes and government.
  2. His moral doctrines, relating to kindred and friends, were more pure and perfect than those of the most correct of the philosophers, and greatly more so than those of the Jews; and they went far beyond both in inculcating universal philanthropy, not only to kindred and friends, to neighbors and countrymen, but to all mankind, gathering all into one family, under the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants and common aids. A development of this head will evince the peculiar superiority of the system of Jesus over all others.
  3. The precepts of philosophy and of the Hebrew code laid hold of action only. He pushed his scrutinies into the heart of man; erected his tribunal in the region of his thought, and purified the waters at the fountain head.
  4. He taught emphatically the doctrine of a future state, which was either doubted or disbelieved by the Jews; and wielded it with efficacy as an important incentive, supplementary to the other motives to moral conduct.

I, too, have made a wee-little book from the same materials (The Gospels) which I call the Philosophy of Jesus. It is a paradigma of his doctrines, made by cutting the texts out of the book and arranging them on the pages of a blank book, in a certain order of time or subject. A more beautiful or precious morsel of ethics I have never seen. It is a document in proof that I am a real Christian, that is to say, a disciple of the doctrines of Jesus, very different from the Platonists, who call me infidel and themselves Christians and preachers of the Gospel, while they draw all their characteristic dogmas from what its author never said nor saw. They have compounded from the heathen mysteries a system beyond the comprehension of man, of which the great reformer of the vicious ethics and deism of the Jews, were he to return on earth, would not recognize one feature.

– Jefferson to Mr. Charles Thompson


“Say nothing of my religion. It is known to my God and myself alone. Its evidence before the world is to be sought in my life; if that has been honest and dutiful to society, the religion which has regulated it cannot be a bad one.”

– Thomas Jefferson

Full Text of the Jefferson Bible (PDF)

Eloi! Eloi! L’mah Sh’vaktani?

There are two ways of getting home; and one of them is to stay there. The other is to walk round the whole world till we come back to the same place.

The next best thing to being really inside Christendom is to be really outside it.

It is well with the boy when he lives on his father’s land; and well with him again when he is far enough from it to look back on it and see it as a whole. But these people have got into an intermediate state, have fallen into an intervening valley from which they can see neither the heights beyond them nor the heights behind. They cannot get out of the penumbra of Christian controversy. They cannot be Christians and they can not leave off being Anti-Christians. Their whole atmosphere is the atmosphere of a reaction: sulks, perversity, petty criticism. They still live in the shadow of the faith and have lost the light of the faith.

Now the best relation to our spiritual home is to be near enough to love it. But the next best is to be far enough away not to hate it. It is the contention of these pages that while the best judge of Christianity is a Christian, the next best judge would be something more like a Confucian. The worst judge of all is the man now most ready with his judgements; the ill-educated Christian turning gradually into the ill-tempered agnostic, entangled in the end of a feud of which he never understood the beginning, blighted with a sort of hereditary boredom with he knows not what, and already weary of hearing what he has never heard. He does not judge Christianity calmly as a Confucian would; he does not judge it as he would judge Confucianism. He cannot by an effort of fancy set the Catholic Church thousands of miles away in strange skies of morning and judge it as impartially as a Chinese pagoda.

It would be better to see the whole thing as something belonging to another continent, or to another planet. It would be more philosophical to stare indifferently at bonzes than to be perpetually and pointlessly grumbling at bishops. It would be better to walk past a church as if it were a pagoda than to stand permanently in the porch, impotent either to go inside and help or to go outside and forget. For those in whom a mere reaction has thus become an obsession, I do seriously recommend the imaginative effort of conceiving the Twelve Apostles as Chinamen. In other words, I recommend these critics to try to do as much justice to Christian saints as if they were Pagan sages.

– G.K. Chesterton


Tehillim 88

Adonai, God of my salvation,
when I cry out to you in the night,
let my prayer come before you,
turn your ear to my cry for help!
For I am oversupplied with troubles,
which have brought me to the brink of Sheol.
I am counted among those going down to the pit,
like a man who is beyond help,
left by myself among the dead,
like the slain who lie in the grave —
you no longer remember them;
they are cut off from your care.

You plunged me into the bottom of the pit,
into dark places, into the depths.
Your wrath lies heavily on me;
your waves crashing over me keep me down.
You separated me from my close friends,
made me repulsive to them;
I am caged in, with no escape;
my eyes grow dim from suffering.

I call on you, Adonai, every day;
I spread out my hands to you.
Will you perform wonders for the dead?
Can the ghosts of the dead rise up and praise you?
Will your grace be declared in the grave,
or your faithfulness in Abaddon?
Will your wonders be known in the dark,
or your righteousness in the land of oblivion?

But I cry out to you, Adonai;
my prayer comes before you in the morning.
So why, Adonai, do you reject me?
Why do you hide your face from me?

Since my youth I have been miserable, close to death;
I am numb from bearing these terrors of yours.
Your fierce anger has overwhelmed me,
your terrors have shriveled me up.
They surge around me all day like a flood,
from all sides they close in on me.
You have made friends and companions shun me;
darkness is my closest friend.